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Old 10-09-11, 11:44 PM
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Default Now we have to rely on the right to fight the feral rich

Now we have to rely on the right to fight the feral rich

Let's hear it for Charles Moore, the Spectator and FT. Their attacks on the feral elite contrast with a virtually silent Labour

John Harris
guardian.co.uk, Friday 9 September 2011 22.00 BST

Once again a spectre is haunting Europe. But don't look to the left for any pointers. Instead, keep up with some very interesting voices on the right, and their increasingly feverish interest in some fundamental issues: the position of wealthy and unaccountable elites, the extent to which supposedly liberalised economies have been fixed in their favour, and a restive public mood across the globe.

It all began in July, when the former Daily Telegraph editor Charles Moore wrote a piece so against type that it endlessly bounced around the Twittersphere. "It turns out – as the left always claims – that a system purporting to advance the many has been perverted in order to enrich the few," he wrote. Over the summer, as the same rather panicked sentiments have been voiced by a handful of other Tory-inclined observers and insiders, the Spectator has run two covers featuring caricatured images seemingly drawn from old Bolshevik posters: last week's issue includes a piece that took sharp aim at the "undeserving rich".

Meanwhile, some of the best analysis of where the world now finds itself can be found not in organs of the radical left, but publications followed closely by the business establishment. Try this: "Many of the revolts of 2011 pit an internationally connected elite against ordinary citizens who feel excluded from the benefits of economic growth, and angered by corruption." That's from Gideon Rachman, the chief foreign affairs commentator of the Financial Times, who also thinks that 2011 might one day be compared to 1968 and 1989, in a far wider sense than the Arab spring.

Clearly, all these voices are on to something. There are obvious threads that link the Spanish indignados and protesters in Greece and now Italy with the largely overlooked J14 movement camping out in Israel's streets and squares, and similarly neglected events in Chile: huge disaffection over squeezed opportunities and living standards, and the contrasting position of those right at the top. But if you want to understand how the mood is manifested in Britain, the best place to look is not the shopping centres that were recently emptied of sportswear and flat-screen TVs, but the quiet streets and suburban avenues where life is becoming more and more of a struggle, and a burning resentment is taking hold.

Though people are not quite raging against Rupert Murdoch, Bob Diamond and other modern bete noires, the juxtaposition of seemingly unending hard times with the unchanged life of a distant social layer for whom government has long been a meek servant is a signature part of the culture. Day after day it's all over the Daily Mail, and highlighted by such mainstream outlets as 5 Live, TalkSport and Radio 2's Jeremy Vine.

This is why, when spokespeople for the banks appear on radio and TV – witness Angela Knight, chief executive of the British Bankers' Association, who took to the airwaves last week to loudly warn that new regulation would be an "assault" on her members – their words have a fingers-down-the-blackboard quality. Against the backdrop of austerity and a flatlining economy, such brass necks highlight the same tensions captured by George Orwell in 1941. The threats are different, but the basic point stands: "The lady in the Rolls-Royce car is more damaging to morale than a fleet of Goering's bombing planes."

Late last year, in an Ipsos Mori poll for the BBC, people were asked if their trust in bankers had been restored now banks were returning to profit; 70% said no, and only 16% agreed with the idea that satisfactory action had been taken against bankers who lost the country so much money. This mood remains, and extends into no end of other areas. Post-expenses hatred of politicians lingers. There is rampant dislike of the energy companies pushing ahead with punishing price rises, monopoly train operators who blithely ransack the pockets of commuters, and more.

Note also that when non-Westminster groups seize on the idea of a new hostility to vested interests, they attract remarkable support. The rise of UK Uncut speaks for itself. In July Compass launched an exercise denouncing the "feral elite" and announcing plans for public juries to look at reform of the banks, media, politics and the police – and attracted endorsement from 10,000 people. And do not forget: as a report by the Resolution Foundation revealed in July, the fall-out from the crash of 2008 has only been the spark; we have been building up to this for years. Over the past three decades the share of national income going to those on the bottom half of the earnings ladder has fallen by a quarter, while the slice going to the top 1% has increased by half. At the risk of sounding glib, there was always going to be trouble.

Since he finally found his voice at the recent height of the hacking scandal, these new times have been the making of Ed Miliband. Recent manoeuvring by Vince Cable suggests that some Lib Dems know exactly what time it is, and I would not underestimate that talented shape-shifter Nick Clegg. Even George Osborne has been sounding off about tax avoidance, while Iain Duncan Smith agrees that there are lines to be drawn from looters to the out-of-control elite. But here's something interesting: besides the party leader, have you heard a single senior Labour politician channel the new mood? Strangely not.

A good deal of the politics of the immediate future will be populist, in the American sense: built around a clear idea of the resentful little guy, and a drive to tackle big vested interests. A British version won't necessarily be pretty, and it could well be most loudly voiced by a Nigel Farage-esque voice on the right. But it will chime with where the public mood seems to be heading. The rhetoric will take care of itself, but the requisite policies are not hard to come up with: break up the energy companies, and more stringently regulate monopolies and oligopolies in transport, the media and more; defy the banks and begin their restructuring right now; finally do something convincing about tax avoidance and evasion. And obviously, rescind the 50p tax rate at your peril.

During the summer, I read a lot about that great US populist Teddy Roosevelt. Rhetoric that could easily be reworked for 2011 was there in abundance, but particularly concentrated in his Progressive party platform of 1912. "To destroy this invisible government, to dissolve the unholy alliance between corrupt business and corrupt politics is the first task of the statesmanship of the day," it said. The words still ring true. Conference season, I would imagine, is going to be very interesting.


Now we have to rely on the right to fight the feral rich | John Harris | Comment is free | The Guardian
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Old 10-09-11, 11:46 PM
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I'm starting to think that the Left might actually be right
What with the the phone-hacking scandal, the eurozone crisis and the US economic woes, the greedy few have left people disillusioned with our debased democracies.


By Charles Moore

8:13PM BST 22 Jul 2011

Comments1783 Comments

It has taken me more than 30 years as a journalist to ask myself this question, but this week I find that I must: is the Left right after all? You see, one of the great arguments of the Left is that what the Right calls “the free market” is actually a set-up.

The rich run a global system that allows them to accumulate capital and pay the lowest possible price for labour. The freedom that results applies only to them. The many simply have to work harder, in conditions that grow ever more insecure, to enrich the few. Democratic politics, which purports to enrich the many, is actually in the pocket of those bankers, media barons and other moguls who run and own everything.

In the 1970s and 1980s, it was easy to refute this line of reasoning because it was obvious, particularly in Britain, that it was the trade unions that were holding people back. Bad jobs were protected and good ones could not be created. “Industrial action” did not mean producing goods and services that people wanted to buy, it meant going on strike. The most visible form of worker oppression was picketing. The most important thing about Arthur Scargill’s disastrous miners’ strike was that he always refused to hold a ballot on it.

A key symptom of popular disillusionment with the Left was the moment, in the late 1970s, when the circulation of Rupert Murdoch’s Thatcher-supporting Sun overtook that of the ever-Labour Daily Mirror. Working people wanted to throw off the chains that Karl Marx had claimed were shackling them – and join the bourgeoisie which he hated. Their analysis of their situation was essentially correct. The increasing prosperity and freedom of the ensuing 20 years proved them right.

But as we have surveyed the Murdoch scandal of the past fortnight, few could deny that it has revealed how an international company has bullied and bought its way to control of party leaderships, police forces and regulatory processes. David Cameron, escaping skilfully from the tight corner into which he had got himself, admitted as much. Mr Murdoch himself, like a tired old Godfather, told the House of Commons media committee on Tuesday that he was so often courted by prime ministers that he wished they would leave him alone.

The Left was right that the power of Rupert Murdoch had become an anti-social force. The Right (in which, for these purposes, one must include the New Labour of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown) was too slow to see this, partly because it confused populism and democracy. One of Mr Murdoch’s biggest arguments for getting what he wanted in the expansion of his multi-media empire was the backing of “our readers”. But the News of the World and the Sun went out of the way in recent years to give their readers far too little information to form political judgments. His papers were tools for his power, not for that of his readers. When they learnt at last the methods by which the News of the World operated, they withdrew their support.

It has surprised me to read fellow defenders of the free press saying how sad they are that the News of the World closed. In its stupidity, narrowness and cruelty, and in its methods, the paper was a disgrace to the free press. No one should ever have banned it, of course, but nor should anyone mourn its passing. It is rather as if supporters of parliamentary democracy were to lament the collapse of the BNP. It was a great day for newspapers when, 25 years ago, Mr Murdoch beat the print unions at Wapping, but much of what he chose to print on those presses has been a great disappointment to those of us who believe in free markets because they emancipate people. The Right has done itself harm by covering up for so much brutality.

The credit crunch has exposed a similar process of how emancipation can be hijacked. The greater freedom to borrow which began in the 1980s was good for most people. A society in which credit is very restricted is one in which new people cannot rise. How many small businesses could start or first homes be bought without a loan? But when loans become the means by which millions finance mere consumption, that is different.

And when the banks that look after our money take it away, lose it and then, because of government guarantee, are not punished themselves, something much worse happens. It turns out – as the Left always claims – that a system purporting to advance the many has been perverted in order to enrich the few. The global banking system is an adventure playground for the participants, complete with spongy, health-and-safety approved flooring so that they bounce when they fall off. The role of the rest of us is simply to pay.

This column’s mantra about the credit crunch is that Everything Is Different Now. One thing that is different is that people in general have lost faith in the free-market, Western, democratic order. They have not yet, thank God, transferred their faith, as they did in the 1930s, to totalitarianism. They merely feel gloomy and suspicious. But they ask the simple question, “What's in it for me?”, and they do not hear a good answer.

Last week, I happened to be in America, mainly in the company of intelligent conservatives. Their critique of President Obama’s astonishing spending and record-breaking deficits seemed right. But I was struck by how the optimistic message of the Reagan era has now become a shrill one. On Fox News (another Murdoch property, and one which, while I was there, did not breathe a word of his difficulties), Republicans lined up for hours to threaten to wreck the President’s attempt to raise the debt ceiling. They seemed to take for granted the underlying robustness of their country’s economic and political arrangements. This is a mistake. The greatest capitalist country in history is now dependent on other people’s capital to survive. In such circumstances, Western democracy starts to feel like a threatened luxury. We can wave banners about “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness”, but they tend to say, in smaller print, “Made in China”.

As for the plight of the eurozone, this could have been designed by a Left-wing propagandist as a satire of how money-power works. A single currency is created. A single bank controls it. No democratic institution with any authority watches over it, and when the zone’s borrowings run into trouble, elected governments must submit to almost any indignity rather than let bankers get hurt. What about the workers? They must lose their jobs in Porto and Piraeus and Punchestown and Poggibonsi so that bankers in Frankfurt and bureaucrats in Brussels may sleep easily in their beds.

When we look at the Arab Spring, we tend complacently to tell ourselves that the people on the streets all want the freedom we have got. Well, our situation is certainly better than theirs. But I doubt if Western leadership looks to a protester in Tahrir Square as it did to someone knocking down the Berlin Wall in 1989. We are bust – both actually and morally.

One must always pray that conservatism will be saved, as has so often been the case in the past, by the stupidity of the Left. The Left’s blind faith in the state makes its remedies worse than useless. But the first step is to realise how much ground we have lost, and that there may not be much time left to make it up.

I'm starting to think that the Left might actually be right - Telegraph
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Old 11-09-11, 09:23 AM
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I don't think it's much of a revelation; sometimes one solution is the correct one, sometimes it's another. A doctor who prescribed haemorrhoid cream to everyone who came to see him wouldn't be much of a doctor.

Although personally I suspect that the best solution here would probably be to copy the Japanese industrial policy system rather than to return to strikes every day. Seeing everything as merely a choice between left and right is too binary.
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Old 11-09-11, 09:31 AM
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Well naturally I draw a rather different conclusion. In the instiutional Left's compulsion toward centrism, the conviction that things are fundamentally different now, that we're all middle class now, etc., they have ceased to carry out the very function for which they were created. And back before the crisis, it seemed - wrongly of course - as if things were different: that was premise behind "no return to boom and bust".

I don't think this in any way suggests that it is not longer a fundamental tension between right and left. The mutually opposed interests of labour and capital is still the issue that drives all others.
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Old 11-09-11, 09:43 AM
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Oddly, the Chinese paper for the Quai d'Orsay was about just this - a guy explaining that right and left are bad labels to apply to Chinese politics - there's the hardline "totalitarian" faction (which is most lefty in economic terms), the conservative faction (which is less lefty) and the liberal faction (which is closer to right wing economics but actually tends more towards a specifically Asian concept). Same in Japan - the differences between the main parties and among the factions of the LDP aren't based on left and right.

I kind of like the Japanese way of doing it (or how they handle things in, say, Israel, with hardcore PR) - it's more fluid than just having left and right shrieking at each other.
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Old 11-09-11, 10:07 AM
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And yet China exhibits more and more of the classic tensions between capital and labour every day. I'm sure it would be quite difficult to identify discrete factions in way they exist in western parliamentary parties, but that doesn't make those tensions go away, and the responses that left and right apply to them are still pertinent.
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Old 11-09-11, 10:47 AM
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To take the example of the totalitarian faction - it's totally in favour of less capitalism, but then it's also rather keen on annexing Taiwan. I'm pretty sure that most Western lefties wouldn't agree with that.
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Old 11-09-11, 11:06 AM
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Sure. I'm not disagreeing with that at all, I acknowledged that the groupings don't break down the same way. But at the same time urbanisation is driving up house prices and creating the same tensions between landlords and tenants that have occurred elsewhere. So whether or not there are explicitly left and right parties that occupy the same sort of territory as they do in the west, the debate will centre around the same arguments - the right of owners to exploit their property versus the right of the mass of the populace to decent housing.
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Old 11-09-11, 05:32 PM
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Yeah, but despite years of Marxist indoctrination, the average Chinese guy in the street doesn't see it like that. Controlling house price inflation is just one issue among many, with teaching those cocky Taiwanese bastards a lesson being another.
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Old 11-09-11, 11:07 PM
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Well clearly the do see it like that, otherwise there would be no tension. Also of course, "years of Marxist indoctrination" is a bit of a farcical claim in regards in regards state capitalist China.
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