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Old 16-01-11, 11:17 AM
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Default Tunisians should thank Wikileaks!

Behind Tunisia Unrest, Rage Over Wealth of Ruling Family

By DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK. Published: January 13, 2011

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/14/wo...lines&emc=tha2

HAMMAMET, Tunisia — This ancient Mediterranean hamlet, advertised as the Tunisian St.-Tropez, has long been the favorite summer getaway of President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali and his large extended family, many of whom have built vast beachfront mansions here with the wealth they have amassed during his years in power.

But their new and conspicuous riches, partly exposed in a detailed cable by the American ambassador and made public by WikiLeaks, have fueled an extraordinary extended uprising by Tunisians who blame corruption among the elite for the joblessness afflicting their country.

And on Thursday, idyllic Hammamet became the latest casualty of that rage, as hundreds of protesters swarmed the streets, the police fled and rioters gleefully ransacked the mansion of a presidential relative, liberating a horse from its stable and setting aflame a pair of all-terrain vehicles.

That outburst was just a chapter in the deadly violence that flared around the country and in Tunis, the capital, again on Thursday, making the government appear increasingly shaky. The mounting protests threaten not only to overturn a close United States ally in the fight against terrorism but also to pull back the veneer of tranquil stability that draws legions of Western tourists to Tunisia’s coastal resorts.

President Ben Ali gave a hastily scheduled televised address on Thursday night, his second in the past week, and this time he appeared rattled. He no longer blamed foreign terrorists or vowed to crack down on protesters. Instead, he pledged to give in to many of the protesters’ demands, including an end to the government’s notoriously tight censorship, but rejecting calls for an immediate end to his 23-year rule.

“I am telling you I understand you, yes, I understand you,” Mr. Ben Ali, 74, declared. “And I decided: total freedom for the media with all its channels and no shutting down Internet sites and rejecting any form of monitoring of it.”

And he repeated a pledge he first made when he seized power in a bloodless coup: “No presidency for life.” He vowed not to challenge the constitutional age limit of 75 for presidents, which would make him ineligible to seek re-election in 2014.

The immediate response to the speech appeared mixed. In at least one neighborhood of the capital, grateful Tunisians could be heard in the streets, ignoring an 8 p.m. curfew order, cheering the president. But others said his words meant little.

“These are the same promises he made last week, that he made a few years ago, that he made in 1987, but on the ground it is always the same,” one person said, declining to be identified for fear of reprisals.

Security forces fired again at crowds of demonstrators who gathered in downtown Tunis; dozens have died so far in the crackdown on the protests, and it was impossible to confirm how many more died Thursday.

In what appeared to be a sign of division within the government or its forces, the military was withdrawn from the city by the end of the day, replaced by the police and other security forces considered more loyal to the ruling party and Interior Ministry.

There were calls for a general strike on Friday, and some people said they expected the protests to escalate when large groups of Tunisians spilled into the streets from their mosques after Friday Prayer. The government has shut down schools, universities and trains running to and from the city, leaving crowds of young people idle and many people with no way to get home.

Throughout a month of demonstrations, protesters have relied on Facebook and other social media to advertise and coordinate their actions, which started after a college-educated street vendor in a small provincial town burned himself to death in despair. (The police had confiscated his wares for lack of a permit.)

On Thursday morning a Facebook group called “The people of Tunisia are setting themselves on fire Mr. President” announced, in Arabic: “Today Hammamet: With our blood, with our souls, we sacrifice ourselves for the martyr.”

By midday, hundreds of young men were in the streets of this coastal resort city. Several banks were in flames, including one adjacent to the police station. Some said that clashes with the police had begun here on Wednesday and that they had turned out to avenge the deaths of two protesters killed the day before.

Just as in other protests in recent days, the demonstrators called for President Ben Ali to step down. But many seemed even more angry at his second wife, Leila Trabelsi, and her family — “No, no to the Trabelsis who looted the budget,” has been a popular slogan — and some said they still considered the president a good man brought down by the greed of his wife and her clan. Many refer to the president’s extended relations simply as The Family or The Mafia.

Cables from the United States Embassy in Tunis that were obtained and released by WikiLeaks, including one titled “Corruption in Tunisia: What’s Yours is Mine,” sketch out some of the reasons. Before her marriage to the president in 1992, Ms. Trabelsi had been a hairdresser from a humble family with little formal education. But since then, many in her family, along with the president’s, have ascended to the pinnacle of wealth, owning major stakes in many of Tunisia’s most prominent companies.

“Seemingly half of the Tunisian business community can claim a Ben Ali connection through marriage, and many of these relations are reported to have made the most of their lineage,” the ambassador, Robert F. Godec, wrote in a cable two years ago. “Ben Ali’s wife, Leila Ben Ali, and her extended family — the Trabelsis — provoke the greatest ire from Tunisians,” he added, noting that he heard frequent “barbs about their lack of education, low social status and conspicuous consumption.”

He added, “Tunisians also argue that the Trabelsis strong-arm tactics and flagrant abuse of the system make them easy to hate.”

Several demonstrators in Hammamet said it was not the country’s economic problems but the corruption of the first family that they were truly protesting. Rioters storming the presidential family mansion in Hammamet gleefully filmed one another with cameras and other devices for circulation around the country, where such images have also helped goad the protesters. Most of the rioters storming the mansion described it as belonging to a member of the Trabelsi family, but a neighbor said it belonged to the president’s uncle, Sofiane Ben Ali.

After breaking down the gate to the empty house, rioters pulled out two all-terrain vehicles and set them on fire. A horse kept by the family ran free in the mansion’s yard, and young men on motorcycles did wheelies around rows of towering palm trees on the well-manicured lawn. (Two said the yard had previously been a public soccer field.) The crew of a Tunisian Coast Guard boat watched from the sea.

Two of the rioters said that fearful police officers had directed them away from their station and toward the mansion. “They said, ‘Please, you go to the Trabelsis,’ and it is logical,” said Cheadi Mahamed, a 32-year-old protester with a job at the airport.

Like others in the crowd, he said he felt emboldened to speak publicly without fear of reprisals. “Now, we can say we what we want,” he said. “It has started to change.”

As evening approached, trucks of police reinforcements arrived. But they stood by as rioters began looting a shoe store, a toy store and a hotel.
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Old 16-01-11, 11:26 AM
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Default Burn, baby, burn!

In Tunisia, Clashes Continue as Power Shifts a Second Time

By DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK. Published: January 15, 2011

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/16/wo...lines&emc=tha2

TUNIS — Tanks, police officers and gangs of newly deputized young men wielding guns held the deserted streets of Tunis Saturday night after a day of sporadic rioting and gunfire. Power changed hands for the second time in 24 hours, and the swift turnabout raised new questions about what kind of government might emerge from the chaos engulfing Tunisia.

Smoked poured out of a supermarket near Tunis. Power changed hands for the second time in 24 hours on Saturday morning. The interim government named Friday had hoped that the toppling of President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, who fled the country, would satisfy protesters, but continued unrest Saturday made clear that they were determined to chase his allies from power as well. Bursts of gunfire rang out through the capital all day Saturday, and a patient discharged from a major hospital here reported that the emergency room was packed with people suffering gunshot wounds.

After a hail of machine-gun fire in the late afternoon in downtown Tunis, snipers were visible on the rooftop of the Interior Ministry, aiming down at the Boulevard Bourguiba. Human rights groups said that they had confirmed dozens of deaths at the hands of security forces even before the biggest street battle began Friday, and on Saturday residents huddled in their homes for fear of the police.

The tumbling political succession started Friday when Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi announced on state television that the president was gone and that he was taking over. Then, on Saturday morning, Mr. Ghannouchi, an ally of Mr. Ben Ali, abruptly announced that he was surrendering the reins of government to the speaker of Parliament, complying with succession rules spelled out in the Tunisian Constitution. Now the speaker, Fouad Mebazaa, is expected to hold elections to form a new government within 60 days.

The shake-up underscored the power vacuum left here after the end of Mr. Ben Ali’s 23 years of authoritarian rule — a transition of dizzying speed that Tunisians view with both hope and fear. With Tunisia’s relatively large middle class, high level of education and secular culture, some here argue that their country is poised to become the first true Arab democracy. And commentators around the Middle East pondered the potential regional implications of the success of Tunisia’s protests; Mr. Ben Ali’s fall marked the first time that street demonstrations had overcome an Arab autocrat. “Will Tunisia be the first domino to fall?” asked a headline on the Web site of the news channel Al Jazeera.

But others at home and abroad worried that Tunisia could slide into chaos, laying the groundwork for a new strongman to emerge. Mr. Ben Ali was viewed in the West as a reliable ally in the fight against the Islamic extremism flourishing in other parts of North Africa, and in Washington, national security experts said extremist groups like Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb could capitalize on the disorder to find a new foothold.

For now, though, the political field remains conspicuously empty. Mr. Ben Ali’s pervasive network of secret police had succeeded in effectively eliminating or co-opting any truly viable opposition or political institution. The former president also long ago wiped away the Islamist groups that form the main grass-roots opposition in most Arab countries.

“There are very few players to keep track of,” said Michael Koplow, an expert on Tunisia who has written about the uprising for Foreign Policy magazine. “If there were new free elections, it is unclear whether there is anyone qualified to run who the people would accept. It is wide open.”

There is also no apparent leader or spokesman for the four-week-old protest against joblessness and government corruption that forced Mr. Ben Ali from power. The protests erupted spontaneously after the Dec. 17 suicide by self-immolation of a college-educated street vendor in the Western city of Sidi Bouzid frustrated by the lack of opportunity (the police had confiscated his wares because he did not have a permit). They spread through online social networks like Facebook and Twitter. And they accelerated as demonstrators shared homemade digital videos of each confrontation with the police.

“There are no leaders, that is the good thing,” one protester declared Friday as thousands crowded around the Interior Ministry just before the police imposed martial law and Mr. Ben Ali left the country.

Protesters immediately turned against the unconstitutional ascension of Mr. Ghannouchi, arguing that he was a crony of Mr. Ben Ali who came from the same hometown of Sousse. It remains unclear if critics will be satisfied with the switch in power to Mr. Mebazaa, who has presided over a Parliament dominated exclusively by Mr. Ben Ali’s ruling party and like almost every other Tunisian elected official, owes his career to the former president.

There were reports in Arabic news outlets this weekend that it was the Tunisian military that finally triggered the unwinding of Mr. Ben Ali’s government. As the demonstrations escalated on Thursday afternoon, the country’s top military official, Gen. Rachid Ammar, is said to have refused to shoot protesters.

That afternoon, the military began pulling its tanks and personnel out of downtown Tunis, leaving the police and other security forces loyal to the ruling party to take their place as President Ben Ali delivered his final speech pleading, in effect, for another chance. The tanks returned after Mr. Ben Ali left the country.

On Saturday afternoon, there were some signs that General Ammar himself may now have an eye on politics. On Facebook, a staging ground of the street revolt, almost 1,700 people had clicked that they “like” a Web page named “General Rachid Ammar President” and emblazoned with his official photographs.

Still, the Tunisian military is relatively small compared with the armies of most countries in the region and is far less pervasive here than internal security forces, and so far neither General Ammar nor any other military figure has publicly stepped forward to try to lead the country.

Meanwhile, Tunisians abroad and exiled opposition leaders reveled in the chance for a change. Several thousand Tunisians demonstrated in Paris on Saturday at the Place de la République calling for real democracy and celebrating Mr. Ben Ali’s downfall. Exiled opposition leaders, many of whom have lived abroad for decades in France or Britain, prepared to return in the hope of rekindling their movements. Perhaps foremost among them was Rachid al-Ghannouchi, a progressive Islamic leader who founded the Hizb al-Nahdah, or Renaissance Party. He was imprisoned twice in the 1980s and granted asylum in Britain in 1993.

“The dictatorship has fallen,” Mr. Ghannouchi told Reuters. “There is nothing to stop me returning to my country after 22 years of exile.” In Egypt, critics of President Hosni Mubarak rushed to embrace the Tunisian example, noting that their country shared the combination of an autocratic ruler, rampant corruption and a large population of frustrated youth. Egyptians traded phone messages like “Mubarak, oh, Mubarak, your plane is waiting for you!” and posted images of the Tunisian flag to their Facebook pages. A major opposition group, led by Mohamed El Baradei, the former head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, merged the Egyptian and Tunisian flags into one on its Web site.

One group of young Egyptians set up a Facebook page calling on their fellow citizens to make January 25 “The day of revolution against torture, poverty, corruption and unemployment. If you care about Egypt, if you want your rights, join us and participate and enough silence,” the page said.

Still, many commentators around the Arab world wondered if it might be too soon to celebrate, given the continuing violence in Tunisia and the lack of an obvious leader. “We don’t know if the Tunisia of yesterday has opened up, or is about to plunge into a deep sea of the unknown and be added to the series of Arab disasters that don’t end,” Tarek al-Hamid wrote in Asharq al-Awsat, a paper with a Saudi owner. “No one will cry over Ben Ali, but the prayer is for Tunisia not to fall into a quagmire of crises with a bleak future.”

Saudi Arabia said Saturday that it had welcomed Mr. Ben Ali and his family. France, the former colonial power in Tunisia, made it clear that it did not want to risk inflaming its large Tunisian immigrant population by accepting the former president. And on Saturday, the French government said that members of Mr. Ben Ali’s family who had taken refuge at a hotel at Disneyland Paris were not welcome either.

“Ben Ali’s family members on French soil have no reason to stay,” a government spokesman said. “They are going to leave it.” French media said the family members were later seen leaving the hotel.

Meanwhile, reports of unrest continued Saturday in Tunisia, with the Arab news media reporting that hundreds of prisoners were freed after a jailhouse riot in a resort town and that more than 40 were killed in a fire at another prison set by an inmate hoping to escape amid the country’s chaos.

But the Tunisian airport reopened at least partially Saturday, and some in Tunis said things were looking up. Huddled in the doorway of a darkened apartment building downtown Saturday, a man in his late 20s was smoking cigarettes and watching security forces patrol the square outside. He would give only his first name, Faisal, and he said that he had been unemployed for the seven years since he graduated from college, in part because he could not afford the bribes necessary to secure a job.

He had nothing good to say about Mr. Ben Ali, but when asked about what would come out of the chaos, he shrugged and smiled. “Look,” he said, “everything is going to be O.K.”
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Old 16-01-11, 12:13 PM
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I was talking to someone about this yesterday and we both agreed that the best thing about the whole affair was that the deposed dictator's family had taken refuge in Disneyland. Awesome.

Also, for those tracking precisely which African dictators are spending their holidays here: Bokassa's château is for sale. If you've always hankered after a home within commuting distance of Paris with a strong possibility of dessicated body parts in the crawlspace, bid now to avoid disappointment.
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