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Old 13-05-10, 11:34 PM
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Default The very civil Lib Dems

The very civil Lib Dems | Henry Porter | Comment is free | The Guardian

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"The parties agree to implement a full programme of measures to reverse the substantial erosion of civil liberties under the Labour government and roll back state intrusion." This sentence, published in the Conservative-Lib Dem coalition agreement, is one that civil libertarians have been waiting a long time for, and to hear David Cameron and Nick Clegg talk about their government handing back privacy and curbing the powers of the state was certainly a moment worth savouring.

One of the most frustrating parts of watching the attack on rights and liberties over the last 13 years has been the failure of anyone in government to admit what was happening. The programme seemed to unfold with a demonic and silent energy all of its own. But now in the agreement we have that acknowledgment, as well as an assurance that civil liberties will be at the heart of the new coalition government. Although the Conservative manifesto touched on freedom, there can be no doubt that the list of substantive measures came from the Lib Dems and their freedom bill, which they published for the Convention on Modern Liberty last year.

Civil liberties, so often swept aside in the election debate, turned out to be a really useful binding agent between the two parties over the course of the negotiations of the last few days. We only have the headlines at the moment but I understand that it will be filled out when Kenneth Clarke, the new justice secretary and his liberal colleagues come to work on what is called the freedom or great repeal bill, in one shape or another proposed by both parties.

But the main provisions are all there – the scrapping of the £4.5bn ID card and the national identity register, the abolition of the £350m Children's ContactPoint database and the outlawing of fingerprinting of children in schools without parental permission. These will have campaigners like No2ID and Arch, the children's rights charity, opening champagne. But there is much more to celebrate. The government has reasserted the important principle of innocence by "adopting the protections of the Scottish model for the DNA database", which means that the DNA of people acquitted of less serious offences cannot be held by the police.

Just as we learn of two more applications for criminal trials to be heard without a jury, the new government announces: "The protection of historic freedoms through the defence of trial by jury." Jury trial is a vital symbol of democracy and it is good to see this established in the new government's criminal justice regime. It is also very important that we have rights restored on non-violent protest, which we must hope include the right to demonstrate without being photographed by the police Forward Intelligence Teams and that there are to be safeguards against the misuse of anti-terrorism legislation, which presumably will include restraints on stop and search and the abused surveillance powers given to over 700 agencies and local authorities under the RIPA.

As I read through the list, I have an exhilarated sense of restoration. It is a relief to see the end of proposals that would have allowed the government to store and draw on the data from phone calls, emails, texts and net connections. This will do more than just save money: it reverses the arrogance and sense of entitlement that the Labour government displayed towards personal privacy and those that claimed it was a key element in any democracy.

There are other important measures – especially the undertaking to review CCTV regulation, the commitment to extend the Freedom of Information Act so to ensure greater transparency, and to review the libel laws, which have been abused by powerful individuals and corporations to stifle free speech and academic research.

The Lib Dems did a great deal of research on the proliferation of criminal offences under Labour, revealing that 3,500 new offences were created since 1997. We now have a guarantee of a mechanism to prevent this compulsive need to criminalise the public with laws that people were often ignorant of.

An important omission in this list is control orders, one of the defining monstrosities of Labour's authoritarian regime, which provides for the house arrest of terror suspects without their being allowed to know of the evidence against them or to attend proceedings in which their cases are heard. There is also no word about 28-day pre-charge detention for terror suspects, or the vetting barring procedure, which both parties have criticised. There will be an important test of the coalition's real nature at the end of May, when the 28-day pre-charge detention power can only be extended if the government lays a statutory instrument before parliament. Otherwise the maximum period of pre-charge detention will revert to 14 days.

We must wait to see what is in the great repeal bill before passing judgment, but this is a promising start that touches on all the important areas and provides great hope for campaigners and activists, so long disdained by the Labour government as being either hysterical or crazed by individualism. We know enough to say that real and important changes have already taken place, and that these could only have occurred under the new coalition.
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Old 14-05-10, 07:18 AM
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The ever-illiberal Conservative party

Tories always move from libertarianism in opposition to pushing for more state power – and the Lib Dems won't change that

o Conor Gearty
o guardian.co.uk, Thursday 13 May 2010 14.41 BST
o Article history

It might indeed turn out that this Conservative government (with a few liberals in grand-sounding posts to make up the numbers) will turn out to be the crusading defender of civil liberties for which so many of those who turned away from Labour have pined. If this does happen, it will be quite against the grain of history.

The Conservatives have a long record of deploying state power to crush dissent to which their attacks on the poor and on organised labour have invariably given rise. It has been Tory administrations that have unleashed the police against the miners, the print unions and eventually (with the poll tax) the community at large.

The common law powers that serve as the state's residual line of resistance against dissent have never been challenged by any Conservative administration, though they have always seized every opportunity to add to them. It has been at the direction of the party as well that a succession of illiberal laws have been enacted: from Heath's Immigration Act in 1971, through Margaret Thatcher's Public Order Act in 1986 and her attack on gay people with section 28 (to pick two examples among many) to John Major's harsh treatment of prisoners and asylum seekers in the 1990s.

The party has opposed every single progressive measure aimed at countering this drift into deep illiberalism: the early race relations laws pioneered by the Wilson government; the freedom of information legislation enacted in the first term of the Blair government; above all, the Human Rights Act, which of course the Tories wanted to repeal, to be replaced by some vague bill of rights which would require we behave responsibly in return for receiving our "British" rights.

Maybe this will all change, because the Tories have taken an interest in civil liberties in opposition. But this is what the Tories always do: when Labour is in power, the party invariably recovers its antagonism to the state and sings the hymn of libertarianism – until, that is, it wins an election and needs the power of the state to push through its regressive policies. We didn't hear much about Sir Keith Joseph's 1975 pamphlet on the need for a bill of rights ("to save the law from parliament and parliament from itself") after 1979, and it was Thatcher's first lord chancellor Lord Hailsham who argued with comic brio for a bill of rights – but only when his party (and himself) were out of power, happily rediscovering the virtues of "elective dictatorship" whenever he was part of one.

David Davis – the one Tory who actually cares about this stuff – is nowhere to be seen, while another who at least actually understands it, Dominic Grieve, is cast into the legal limbo as attorney-general. The Tory occupation of the civil libertarian centre-ground will last as long as the "big society" smokescreen with which Cameron tried to camouflage the effect of his policies on ordinary people – and it is already long gone, two days into government.

Well, if all else fails, perhaps we still have the Liberal Democrats. True, a few bullet points in their deal with the Tories promise a freedom bill, the scrapping of ID cards, a return to trial by jury, and "the restoration of rights to non-violent protest" – whatever that might mean. Mostly though, it is vague waffle – the kind of thing that gets standing ovations from audiences who think Labour have turned Britain into a police state. But even the high priest of this tribe, Henry Porter, has torn himself away from applauding for long enough to note that "important" tests of the "coalition's real nature" lie ahead – let's start with: immediate repeal of 28-day detention; an end to the banning of peaceful organisations on suspicion of being "terrorist" under the over-wide definition of that term in the 2000 Terrorism Act (which should itself be repealed); an end to control orders; the repeal of arbitrary stop-and-search; and then (reaching further back) repeal of section 5 of the Public Order Act 1986, which clearly criminalises protest if the police want to.

But – surprise – none of this is anywhere to be seen in the agreed plan. Instead, it's jury trial (for all offences? What is to happen if convictions can never be obtained because of serial intimidation?), a commitment to less unnecessary stuff on this and that and more safeguards for what we already have – none of it revolutionary or even particularly meaningful. No Lib Dem is in any of the key cabinet positions charged with oversight of any of this agenda. This week's Spectator is absolutely right when it says that "The Lib Dems are left with prestigious-sounding non-jobs ... we have been served up a sausage government and it is never edifying to see how sausages are made. But the meat in this sausage is most certainly Conservative. The Lib Dems are the gristle."

The ever-illiberal Conservative party | Conor Gearty | Comment is free | guardian.co.uk
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Old 14-05-10, 09:46 AM
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Sour grapes.
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Old 14-05-10, 12:16 PM
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Sour grapes
Not necessarily. He's Irish.
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Old 14-05-10, 01:48 PM
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Not sour grapes, just experience with Tory governments. They have a sizable law 'n order faction that constantly calls for increased state suppression. Much of New Labours illiberalism was aimed at triangulating them and demonstrating they could be just as "tough". We can hope the Lib Dems will restrain them, but I wouldn't trust the Tories not to turn the screw even tighter.
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Old 14-05-10, 01:53 PM
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They have a sizable law 'n order faction that constantly calls for increased state suppression. Much of New Labours illiberalism was aimed at triangulating them and demonstrating they could be just as "tough".
We have had this too in Australia, but I have difficulty in identifying the constituency that is calling for it - and, more importantly, the constituency that should be telling the people that the value of this sort of stuff is bloody nonsense.
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Old 14-05-10, 01:58 PM
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Wasn't the Tories that brought in ID cards, asbos, 48 day detention, thousands of new offenses, intrusive DNA retention practices...

But hey, if we can't blame them for that we'll just blame them for stuff they haven't done yet. Boo hiss.
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Old 14-05-10, 02:13 PM
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To adapt a bon mot that former Australian federal foreign minister Gareth Evans said when asked why he took an instant dislike to opposition parliamentarian Bronwyn Bishop:

"It saved time."

Everyone can equally save time with the Tories.
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Old 14-05-10, 02:34 PM
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Yep. Voting based on policies is for loosers.
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Old 14-05-10, 10:55 PM
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Originally Posted by Zichao View Post
But hey, if we can't blame them for that we'll just blame them for stuff they haven't done yet. Boo hiss.
I'm not blaming them for stuff Labour did, I'm blaming them for the stuff they did last time they were in power. The chipping away at civil liberties didn't start in 1997 you know; notably the Criminal Justic Act of 1994, which started the DNA-collecting bandwagon and effectively removed the right to silence, not to mention attempting to making raves illegal:

Quote:
Commentators have seen the Act as a draconian piece of legislation which was "explicitly aimed at suppressing the activities of certain strands of alternative culture", the main targets being squatting, direct action, hunt sabotage and the free party.[5] The sections which specifically refer to parties or raves are seen as badly defined [6] and drafted in an atmosphere of "clear moral panic" following the Castlemorton Common Festival. [7]
...
In 2009, Section 63 of the Act was used by police to shut down a birthday barbecue held on legal property for 15 people.
Not exactly the height of live-and-let-live liberalism, is it? Even if they didn't manage to get ID cards, Michael Howard and many conservatives argued for them (while Labour opposed them), and of course there was the infamous Section 28 - which David Davis supported, incidentally. Tories are not natural defenders of civil liberties.

Last edited by contracycle; 14-05-10 at 11:13 PM.
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