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Old 30-01-11, 02:22 PM
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Default Academia plays into the hands of the right

Academia plays into the hands of the right | Nick Cohen | Comment is free | The Observer

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Can you guess the profession and approximate age of this writer struggling to spit out her theory of the structure of society?

"The move from a structuralist account in which capital is understood to structure social relations in relatively homologous ways to a view of hegemony in which power relations are subject to repetition, convergence, and rearticulation brought the question of temporality into the thinking of structure, and marked a shift from a form of Althusserian theory that takes structural totalities as theoretical objects to one in which the insights into the contingent possibility of structure inaugurate a renewed conception of hegemony is bound up with the contingent sites and strategies of the rearticulation of power."

Easy. The author of the fog-bound prose could only have been a professor in a humanities department of a rich-world university writing after 1968. Judith Butler, to be precise, whose "anxiety-inducing obscurity" led the editors of Philosophy and Literature to declare her the runaway winner of 1998 Bad Writing Contest. Far from joining the judges in laughing her to scorn, however, Butler's colleagues have garlanded her with prizes and acclaimed her as one of the most profound thinkers of our age.

The respect universities accord her is not an isolated mistake. In a justly celebrated essay, Perry Anderson, an intellectual no critic would dare accuse of populism, looked back on the decades he spent at the Marxist theoretical journal New Left Review and bewailed a generation of academics who stuck with "standards of writing that would have left Marx or Morris speechless", and littered their work "with needless apparatuses, more for credential than intellectual purposes, circular references to authorities [and] complaisant self-citations".

No one denies that some branches of the humanities can be explained only in technical language – econometrics, logic and linguistics come to mind. The rest need not be, but no one who glances at the efforts of specialist journals or university publishing houses believes that the majority of academics are interested in making the literary effort a conversation with the public requires. John Carey told me that the overwhelming majority of his colleagues in English departments found the idea of addressing the ordinary, intelligent reader repugnant. They wrote for each other and did not take pains to make their writing attractive. On the contrary: "They tend to use obscure theoretical terms as if to signal their membership of an enclosed order, unconnected with the ordinary world. So the ordinary world wisely ignores them."

The comparison with the medieval church is too good to miss. A clerisy inhabits the arts, humanities and social science departments of the modern university as it inhabited the monasteries of Christendom. It speaks a language the laity cannot understand and cloaks its thought in obscurantist prose for fear that plain speaking will provoke accusations of heresy. Like the 16th-century defenders of the Latin liturgy, it is also wide open to attack.

Civil society is fighting with heartening gusto to protect British culture from the assault from the right. The defence of the few wild spaces on our overcrowded islands has stirred the romantic streak in the national character and propelled citizens who have never protested before to oppose government plans to privatise the forests. When this newspaper revealed that the Conservatives and Liberals were planning to stop the Booktrust charity giving free books to children and to cut school sports, public opinion forced the coalition to retreat from both policies. Philip Pullman's magnificent speech in support of public libraries has gone viral on the net. In the Commons, opposition MPs have accused David Cameron of aiming to succeed where Hitler failed by slashing the output of the BBC World Service, a far more valuable gift from Britain to the oppressed peoples of the planet than half the aid programmes the coalition funnels to dictatorships.

Everywhere you can feel the struggle for public space and public learning hardening, except in the one place where you would expect the battle to be at its fiercest. The government plans to remove state support from all university arts, humanities and social science courses. If they are to survive, they must persuade students to pay £7,000 to £8,000 a year, a task that may be beyond many of them. It tells you all you need to know about the political class's commitment to culture that the Department for Business rather than the Department for Education is in charge of universities.



When I asked how many courses ministers expected to close, its spokesman replied that they didn't have a clue. As with so many other "reforms", the coalition intends to smash up the old system, throw the pieces in the air and then look around to see where they land. Geoffrey Crossick, vice-chancellor of the University of London was a more informed guide. He guessed that expensive creative schools such as the Royal College of Art, Royal Academy of Music and Rada will be in trouble as will many departments in the old polytechnics. Yet there is no public outcry or polemics from artists of Pullman's stature about the threat to art, literature, sociology and cultural studies courses.

By this point, I imagine that readers with books on their shelves will be complaining that they know for a fact that academia produces many fine writers, who might never have been published if the universities had not nurtured them. I am not disputing it, merely saying that those who struggle to communicate what they think and know are outside the prevailing academic culture. To quote the best example of unwarranted superiority I have come across, Dominic Sandbrook tells me that private conversations with academics have left him in no doubt that he could not get a university job in Britain. His potential colleagues would blackball him as a crowd-pleasing vulgarian because he writes histories readers want to buy. Managers would worry that he would not churn out the "narrow and faintly incestuous research papers" government target setters demand.

For all the leftish positioning of "transgressive" academics they have been naive to the point of stupidity about the right. They assumed that Conservatives did not mean what they said and would not take money from institutions which have gone out of their way to alienate the intellectually curious. People write well when they have something say. The willingness of too many academics to write badly has told their fellow citizens that they are not worth listening to or fighting for.
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Old 30-01-11, 06:22 PM
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Yep. Frankly, if the cuts lead to the slashing and burning of people like Judith Butler (err... I meant, her department), those will be well targeted and accurate cuts. That's what cuts are for. To rid the taxpayers of such parasites.

I find especially funny that they'd be Marxists or Marxians or indeed anything to do with a movement about "working"...
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Old 01-02-11, 02:44 PM
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Default Sir Humphrey’s new suit

Sir Humphrey’s new suit | The Spectator

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And that’s the problem with jargon. It talks up things that are self-explanatory, obvious or not very important and which could be said at very little length, and makes them seem grand and portentous. But because of the effect of the language, which has the same immediacy as Esperanto, it takes a mental translation to decide what the author or speaker is on about. Stakeholder Engagement equals (in this context) How To Influence People, but if you put it like that, its banality and gratuitousness would be self-evident.

The opening chapter describes the ‘basic principles of engagement’. ‘Stakeholders,’ it says, ‘can have both a positive and negative impact on the outcomes so they can be both partners in delivery or opponent detractors.’ In other words, some of the people you deal with in foreign affairs are on your side, some are not. And it acknowledges that ‘many
A friend of mine has just come back from a few days of Civil Service in-house training. He managed in no time to get the hang of the exercise, namely, the mastery of another language. Not a foreign language, which might have been handy, but not English either. ‘I learnt,’ he said proudly, ‘about “brain-friendly learning”, “career pathing”, “energy management” and — my absolute favourite — “impact residue”, which is what you leave behind when you have met someone: what the uninitiated would call a lasting impression. I was encouraged to “flex my styles” and identify “meta-objectives”. In short, I am a new man.’ In other words, he’s learned management-speak.

It’s the kind of thing that invites joyful parody from journalists, until it dawns on us how far the rot has spread: David Cameron, talking about transparency in government the other day, insisted that the government wouldn’t be setting targets, oh dear no, but ‘milestones’. And ministers are starting to talk about whether cuts are to be ‘frontloaded’ or ‘backloaded’, which means whether they’re happening sooner or later. How does a minister end up talking about snow as a ‘severe weather event’, as one did recently? It may be because that’s the sort of stuff he’s reading in his briefing papers, the jargon that his civil servants have learned to talk to him. Because that’s what has happened in Whitehall.

I’ll tell you when it came home to me that management-speak had taken over the Civil Service, at its very apex, and that was when I came across a little booklet issued by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office for the use of its staff. It was a fine example of the genre, all 14 pages of it. It was called Stakeholder Engagement and it came with the imprimatur of Peter Ricketts, the department’s permanent under-secretary, and David Miliband, then the foreign secretary. Under the new government the Stakeholder Engagement Team which generated it is going strong and there is, for good measure, a ‘network of stakeholder managers’. The introduction set the tone. ‘Stakeholder management,’ it declared, ‘is the core of diplomacy and service delivery. We have engaged many of our stakeholders in the development and delivery of our objectives. We must continue to do this across the board in a strategic, systematic and innovative manner.’ It doesn’t actually say what a stakeholder is, just that his management is the core of ‘service delivery’. Four paragraphs down, we do get a definition of a stakeholder, as ‘those organisations and individuals who can affect the achievement of FCO’s objectives… we must engage with… stakeholders that have most potential influence’. I showed it to a friend who used to work in the Foreign Office and he said tersely: ‘It means who we should be talking to, when, and how.’ Which is pretty well, you might think, what diplomacy is about.

FCO staff have wide experience of dealing with stakeholders and thus an almost instinctive understanding of how to get the most from the relationship’. That means, diplomats know who are the people who matter and how to talk to them. ‘A systematic approach… ensures consistency… from how we engage to what we evaluate.’

And so we get to a flow chart, which begins with Identification and Mapping, goes on to Prioritisation, then Engagement, then Evaluation. Identification of your stakeholder involves ‘asking who’s on the way up or down’. You might, it says, ‘consider involving someone as a facilitator’, but this should be a ‘brain storm to compile raw information’. You might mock the term brainstorm, reader, but it’s old hat now. A couple of years ago, one company outlawed the term, on the grounds that it was offensive to people with epilepsy; the approved term was ‘thought shower’.

But back to Stakeholder Engagement: having identified our stakeholders, we prioritise them. ‘Our recommended system for prioritising stakeholders,’ it says, ‘is to rate them against two criteria: how much power or influence they have over your ability to achieve your objective vs how interested they are in your objectives.’ Which brings us to another chart, a grid with one axis for power, another for interest, helpfully identifying which bit means high power plus high interest, as opposed to low interest and low power. It’s followed by another graphic, this time of two pyramids. One, right side up, shows at its top the most influential stakeholders; the other, upside down, shows at its top where you should put most money. Or as ordinary people might say, it advises putting most money where it’ll be most useful.

I gazed at all this, and then it dawned on me that I’d seen it before. Remember the row about the Foreign Office memo before the papal visit, the one with suggestions for the Pope to open an abortion clinic and do forward rolls? That was the result of a ‘brainstorm’. It involved making a little grid, of Papal Visit Stakeholders, with one axis for influential, another for non-influential people, which included Help the Aged and building contractors. The result was a diplomatic crisis.

I’ll spare you the finer, further details of the memo, the other grid about the Nature of Engagement and the Focus of Resources or the recommendation for a ‘team wash-up’ after events to assist ‘Evaluation’. But it’s worth pondering that this is something that people in the Foreign Office are required to read. It can be summed up, as my friend did, as ‘who we should be talking to, when, and how’. It employed the attention of four well-paid people yet it was simultaneously impenetrable and redundant. Consider: before the last war, candidates for the Civil Service exam would be required to write a precis of a hard piece of prose in order to be considered for employment. The civil servants of that era would, I’d say, be incapable of writing like this. And the thinking, or what passes for thinking, behind it, is everywhere; on the Foreign Office website there is a section on ‘Campaigning and Strategic Influencing’.

And there’s the other problem. If you’re spending money — staff time, production expenses — on your stakeholder management strategy, you’re not spending it on other things. And a couple of years ago the FCO showed where its priorities are when it did away with the Foreign Office library, an extraordinarily important archive; its institutional memory, if you like. Some of the antique books were sent to King’s College London, where they are not readily accessible; the rest were left out in the corridors for lucky staff to make away with. And the grounds for doing so was the want of resources. Yet the FCO could, at the same time, use its highly paid, highly intelligent staff to write 14 pages on a concept that you’d have laughed out of existence if it had been proposed in real English.

And the Stakeholder Engagement Team is, as I say, still very much with us. William Hague was asked recently by the Foreign Affairs select committee whether he would be encouraging staff to engage in management speak or to focus on knowledge of specific regions. He didn’t rise to the bait. But he did say he had been surprised at how many Foreign Office people couldn’t spell.
When I'm President I intend to systematically fire anyone who sends me a document with adjectives in the title, and if there's the word "strategy" in there you'd better be a member of the armed forces.
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Old 01-02-11, 04:06 PM
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They got rid of the library?!?! Fucking philistines! There has been plenty of academics in France using the French Foreign Office archives to write super interesting historical books/articles...

I bet you could actually make the library profitable, as opposed to the rest, which must be 90% fat, highly educated (not so sure about highly paid) taxpayer blood sucking...
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